Maji Maji Revolt – Term Paper

UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI MA IN ARMED CONFLICT AND PEACE STUDIES CHS 560: DIPLOMACY WAR AND WARFARE IN EASTERN AFRICA TERM PAPER: MAJI MAJI REBELLION ODHIAMBO PAULINE ADHIAMBO: C50/72182/2008 FEBRUARY 2009 Introduction East Africa today is made up of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi. Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania consist of about 636,707 square miles of land surface and roughly 42,207 square miles of water or swamps. Tanzania (Tanganyika merged with Zanzibar in 1964) forms the largest area within this region, with a total, including Zanzibar and Pemba, of 342,170 square miles of land and 20,650 square miles of water or swamp.

The country boarders: Kenya to the North, Mozambique and Malawi to the South, Zambia to the South West, Congo, Rwanda and Burundi to the West. It emerges that Tanzania is a land of extreme ethnic diversity. Indeed the north-central part of the country, with its Khoisan, Cushitic, Nilotic and Bantu-speaking population, is the most linguistically diverse area on the whole African continent. The rest of Tanzania is entirely Bantu-speaking; in fact ninety-five per cent of present Tanzanians are born into families speaking one or another of a hundred or more Bantu dialects.

The Arabs who settled along the coast were assimilated into Swahili with the increased contact between the coast and the interior in the 19th century and fully integrated in the 20th century. The early visitors into Tanzania were mainly the Arabs from Oman, Muscat and other parts of Arabian Peninsula. These early visitors were followed from the beginning of the sixteenth century by the Portuguese who ruled the coast until their defeat by the Omani Arabs in 1698. In the nineteenth century came the Germans and the British.

Tanganyika remained under the Germans control until 1919 when she signed the Versailles treaty in France. One of the terms of the treaty was territorial dispossession of Germany. Germany lost all her colonies in Africa and other parts of the world. In Africa her four colonies namely Tanganyika, Cameroon, Togo and South West Africa (Namibia) were handed over as mandated territories to the victorious powers with colonies neighboring them namely, Britain, France and South Africa acting for Britain in the case of South West Africa. Tanganyika was handed over to the British. Germans in East Africa

The interest of the Germans to East Africa began with the formation of African societies in Germany by the aristocrats i. e. “the German Colonial Society” in mid nineteenth century. By 1876, the number of Germans coming to East Africa increased as many societies were formed. In 1884 Karl Peters formed the “Society for German Colonization” to acquire colonies for Germany. This society was formed as a counter-blast against the German colonial society which was considered by Karl Peters as too inadequate for colonial expansion[1]. Karl Peters left Germany in September 1884 arriving in Zanzibar on November 1884.

He then traveled to the interior where he signed treaties with a number of African chiefs in the area of Kilimanjaro in 1884. These treaties were signed with illiterate chiefs in parts of Usagara, Uzigua, Nguru and Ukami launching the German East African Empire. In 1885, Karl Peters returned to Berlin, the Imperial Chancellor, Bismarck, guaranteed the sovereignty of the newly formed German East African Company over its treaty area. The Protectorate was enlarged by Anglo-German agreements in 1886 and 1890, while its western border followed that laid down by the Congo Free States Declaration of Neutrality of 1885.

Germany also acquired colonies in Togo, Cameroon, and South- West Africa during this period. In 1886, the Anglo-German Agreement was signed splitting East Africa into German and British Spheres of influence. Germany was apportioned land south of a line from the Umba River to Lake Victoria, but also retained the territory further to the north around Witu. In 1887, Sultan Barghash leased control of the customs at Dar es Salaam and Pangani to the German East African Company. In 1888 Sultan Sayyid Khalifa granted the Company the administration of all the territory between river Umba and River Ruvuma.

In 1889, the Imperial German government took over the administration of Tanganyika leaving Karl Peter’s Company only with the monopoly of trade. As the Imperial government took over from the company, resistances broke out in various parts of Tanganyika between 1891 and 1898. This was followed by a period of peace until the Maji Maji war of 1905-7. Maji Maji Uprising The term Maji Maji was taken from the portion magic water sprinkled on every warrior; composed of water, corn, and sorghum seed, it was suppose to make the warriors immune to bullets while committing them to fraternity of freedom fighters.

The self confidence it produced was demonstrated when 8,000 warriors, armed only with spears attacked the German fort at Mahenge and tried to capture the defenders machine guns with their bare hands. The Maji Maji revolt was the last and the most widespread resistance to German Colonial rule in Tanganyika today Tanzania. Earlier the German Colonialist had suppressed other revolts such as the Abushiri at the Coast, the Hehe under Mkwawa, the Nyamwezi under Isike and the Chagga in the Kilimanjaro area.

By 1900, the Germans had conquered most of Tanganyika and established effective control over the people. At the coast with the collapse of the Arab-Revolt, the Germans negotiated a peace party with the Omani aristocrats who then became the agents of a bureaucratic system of government providing each major coastal town with a liwali (governor) and the hinterland with subordinate administrators called akidas. With the beginning of Maji Maji rebellion, the German position at the coast already rested on this local compromise with Omani aristocracy.

The Maji Maji uprising was the most important anti-colonial rising in East Africa between the initial European occupation and the Mau Mau war of 1950s. It covered a large area; most of south- east Tanganyika south of a line from Kilosa to Dar-es-salam-and overcame many problems of scale. It united many separate ethnic communities in a single movement. It was a mass revolt, involving not merely soldiers of traditional armies but the whole people, including women and children, who supplied food to the soldiers, gave them shelter and acted as courier service between them.

Maji Maji was also a forward- looking revolt dominated by a new kind of leadership, charismatic and revolutionary religious prophets rather than hereditary and conservative traditional political leaders. Suddenly, in 1900 several communities in the south-eastern Tanganyika rose up in arms against the Germans. These communities included the Zaramo, Matumbi, Ngindo, Pogoro, Mbunga and Bena. Causes of the Rebellion There was massive use of forced labour. The Germans used forced labour to build permanent brick administrative buildings, farmhouses in plantations and to work in German owned plantations.

Thousands of people were rounded up for labour at low rates of pay on German plantations and to work under jumbes (headmen) and European controlled District Development Committees. The 1903-4 harvest was so poor that the workers were not paid at all. The Germans also ruled with an iron hand. They imposed a hut-tax which was collected with more force that was not necessary. Taxation forced people to travel to distance places in forests to collect bees wax and rubber, which they could then sell to earn a few coins to pay the tax. This meant neglect of food cultivation.

Failure to pay the tax resulted in severe punishment and social humiliation. A man who failed to pay was jailed and flogged in public regardless of his adulthood or his status in the society until a relative paid on his behalf. Furthermore, the cotton Program was particularly unpopular. The Germans governor Graft Von Gotzen decided as an experiment to introduce a scheme, devised for the German West Africa colony of Togo, by which African cultivators would be induced to grow cotton as a Volkskultur, a people’s crop. This decision was in response to the need for the German colony to be ndependent in its administrative budget, as well as that of establishing an independent German source of raw materials in East Africa. Despite much official opposition, he believed that ‘individuals’ cultivators could not grow cotton successfully. He therefore ordered that a plot be established at the headquarters of each headman in the experimental area, on which each of the headman adult male subjects would work for some twenty- eight days in a year. But the proceeds did not go to the workers. The scheme was a great disastrous failure as the profit was much smaller than anticipated.

The sums paid to the workers, thirty-five cents was so small that some like the Zaramo refused to take it. This African response was not against growing cotton as such, which they had willing started growing as a cash crop. It was a reaction against this scheme, which exploited their labor and threatened the African economy by forcing them to leave their own farms to work on public ones. The work required considerable growing- time, picking, and protection from vermin, especially birds and wild pigs soon far exceeded the amount planned and seriously interfered with subsistence farming.

Work on the plantation was enforced by sheer brutal force, thus creating strong incentives for a revolt in the cotton growing areas. Cotton became a grievance which united precisely those people who rebelled when the 1905 picking season began. Several rebel leaders were headmen who had suffered from the scheme, and one of the first rebel actions in the area was to burn cotton fields. This factor sufficiently explains the outbreak of the violence. The activities of the German Christian missionaries also led to the uprising. The burned the sacred huts of traditional priests on the grounds that they were heavens of witchcraft.

The Ngindo were particularly incensed by the abuse of their women by mercenary soldiers in the German army. The German mercenaries and houseboys slept with their wives in circumstances which were a flagrant affront to Ngindo husbands. Adultery in Ngindo was punishable by war against the offenders. This was because the process of getting a wife, according to Ngindo customs was long and tedious. War against the Germans became inevitable. The government appointed akidas or government agents to collect taxes, try cases and mete out punishment.

The men selected were usually from another area and were frequently Muslims who had no sympathy for local traditions, and often used their authority for personal extortion. This led to constant grumbling of discontent over the activities of akidas. Under them also a number of village headmen were appointed as jumbes, with authority to represent the government which often undermined their local reputation. The Wamatumbi were against the presence of the Arabs, Swahili akidas and Jumbes in their area whom the Germans imposed on them.

For many years before the coming of the Germans, they had constantly and successfully discouraged the Arab penetration into their country, a stand which had been very frustrating to the slave traders. Now employed as akidas in the new administration and assigned areas to look after, like Chumo, Kibata, Miteja, Samanga and Kinjumbi in Matumbi, the Arabs used their positions to retaliate against the Wamatumbi. The latter waited for the right time to hit back. Land alienation was another cause of the rebellion. The African land was forcefully taken away from them and they were pushed into infertile areas.

The Ngoni sort to revenge for the Boma Massacre of 1897. Their political leaders and generals had been treacherously imprisoned or shot by the Germans as they tried to resist the German invasion into Tanganyika. The Ngoni also had been a dominant political and military group in the region before the German occupation. So they felt keenly the reduction of their status to that of ordinary subjects. Their king Chabruma had a personal reason to fight the Germans. This is because they gave protection to a young Ngoni man who had seduced one of his wives.

The ethnic groups in southern Tanganyika desired political freedom and the restoration of their lost independence as well. Last but not least, Religion played an important role in the revolt. It boosted the people’s morale and gave them courage to fight against the Germans because of the promised immunity against the German bullets by the medicine water (Maji). This evidence is clearly seen among the Wamatumbi people. Immediately after receiving the magic water, the Matumbi tribesmen became impatient and looked for a means to annoy the Germans, by issuing ultimatum to the Germans.

Course of the War Maji Maji revolt began in the south-eastern region of the colony which the Germans had neglected due to its open savannah country of low fertility. Among the Wamatumbi and Wagindo, the Maji Maji rising was preceded in late 1904 by a movement called Jujila or Jwiywila. This was a secret communication from one individual to another that at Ngalambe a powerful Mganga and medicine which would make the white man more vulnerable had been found. It was further added that the ancestors had not died but they were being looked after by God who would show them to those who went to Ngalambe.

The Phase of Jujila which spread very quickly was soon followed by pilgrimages to Ngalambe[2]. Likinda was a form of military training that was given by the leader of a section or group. At Ngalambe, the man who inspired the rising was Kinjikitile Ngwale, a Kolelo priest or spirit medium. He emerged among the Wamatumbi claiming supernatural powers and stood up to led a revolt against the Germans using the forces of religion and traditional beliefs as the basis of his organization, He instilled strict discipline among his followers prohibiting witchcraft and looting.

Near his home at Ngalambe, there was a pool from a tributary of the Rufiji River, which he claimed was the dwelling place of the spirit, Hongo, which possessed him. He began to preach about the need for the black men to unite emphasizing that unity and freedom of all Africans was a fundamental principle and therefore they were to unite and fight for their freedom against the Germans in a war which had been ordained by God and that they would be assisted by their ancestors who would return to life.

He emphasized that his medicine, ‘the maji of the rising’s name’, was more powerful than European weapons, and that the combination of African unity and his medicine, would certainly defeat and drive the German rulers out. From late 1904 he began secretly to give maji maji or magic water, as war medicine to men of Pogoro, Matumbi and Ngindo communities. Some came to receive it at Ngalambe but most had it taken to them by Kinjikitile’s assistants. The water was suppose to give protection against white man’s bullets, but its real significance was a symbol of unity.

The water was given to those who wanted it, not just to a single clan or group of warriors. Thus it inspired a mass rising that was also inter-ethnic. Later the water was sent to the Zaramo, Benzi, Ngoni and others who had not visited Ngalambe. It was in this way that the people of Kichi, southern Uzaramo, western Ulunguru and Ungindo got Kinjikitile’s message. And because they shared with the Wamatumbi the grievances against the Germans, they were ready candidates for recruitment for the impending war. Kinjikitile had required all pilgrims to go back and work for the Germans and wait until he declared war on them.

But evidence suggests that the Matumbi tribes’ men became impatient and looked for a means to annoy the Germans. In July 1905, the people of Matumbi hills north –west of Kilwa decided to uproot a few shoots of cotton from Jumbes plantations at Nandette and also attacked the headquarter of akidas to clear their hill of Arab, Indian and European aliens destroying the Indian trading settlements at Samanga on the coast. Before the akidas arrived, the Matumbi soldiers forced them into first engagement. Hence forth the akidas were driven out of the area and all European centers were attacked.

In July the same year, the Pogoro of Kitope refused to pick cotton. A spontaneous rising broke out over a wide area and the Germans were caught completely by surprise. Plantations, missions, administration bomas and Swahili shops were attacked. Several German planters and missionaries and many government officials (akidas and jumbes) were killed. Simultaneously, the Ngindo attacked the Arab traders who frequented their region. News of war spread through the countryside and within a fortnight, nearly all the peoples surrounding the Rufiji valley, from Kilosa Liwale, were in revolt.

Missionaries, Arabs, Indians, akidas, askaris, and all who had contact with the government were threatened. By the end of August the Ngindo had taken the movement southwards into Lukulendi valley where mission stations were destroyed. In about six weeks the whole area south of the central line between Dar es Salaam and Kilosa, marked in the west by a line running southwards from Kilosa to Lake Malawi was in turmoil. On 30th August 8,000 Mbunga and Pogoro launched a desperate assault on the strongly fortified military station at Mahenge attempting to seize machine guns but were repulsed by terrible casualties.

Meanwhile the Ngoni belatedly joined the rising by early September. They mobilized their powerful military system and threatened the German forces in Songea when their neighbors the Bena attacked Yakobi mission. On 19th September, the rebellion reached its furthest extent. At this time the governor, Graft Von Gotzen had panicked and had already ordered for reinforcement from Germany and other territories of Germany in Africa. There afterwards, mercenaries poured into the country and German-hired Zulu, Sudanese and Somali mercenaries also arrived.

In pitched battles, the Ngoni charged heroically at the German machine guns. At the battle of Uwereka half the Ngoni soldiers were killed, while the Germans lost none. After Uwereka the Maji Maji fighters settled down to two years of guerilla resistance, employing ambushes, night attacks, moving from place to place and attacking German forces without warning. The Ngoni (who finally adopted realistic tactics) and the hill-dwelling Matumbi kept the struggle going. By November 1905 the Germans had began systematic suppression of the movement.

In Umatumbi there was little or no fighting by March 1906. Else where things followed a similar course as Africans flowed into the Germans forts to declare their humble submission when they realized that the magic water was ineffective. In 1907 resistance was beaten into total submission by ruthless German suppression. Many leading fighters were hunted and executed by hanging, including Kinjikitile and Mputa Gama, the paramount chief of the southern Ngoni. Those who escaped arrest fled to Mozambique. Thousands of villagers were killed or died of starvation when their homes and farms were burnt as art of the German scorched earth policy which the Germans adopted because they could supply themselves readily from the nearby coast. Factors that encouraged the ethnic groups to unite in one rebellion Before the colonial period the people of south east Tanganyika had considerably widened their horizon from their experience of the Ngoni invasions and the growth of long distance trade with the east coast. Trade in particular had stimulated the emergence of new social and communal relationships between different people of different societies, and during the colonial period the older pattern of mutual co-operation and pattern continued.

The other unifying factor was the Kolelo snake god cult. This was a spirit possession and witchcraft eradication cult that passed rapidly over clan and ethnic boundaries and swept diverse peoples into unity which overrode suspicions and allegations of sorcery. Like Mwari, the Kolelo cult involved priest-interpreters of an oracle. The normal preoccupation of the cult was with fertility and the land; but it was transformed in the years before the rebellion to a prophetic and millenarian belief in the reversal of the existing order by divine intervention.

The Kolelo cult was transformed from a purely religious to a political movement, because of the nature of German colonialism in Tanganyika. Impacts of the war One of the devastated effects of the Maji Maji wars was famine which left about 75,000 Africans dead depopulating south-east Tanganyika. The Germans had employed a scorched-earth policy with such impunity that there were no seeds for planting new crops after the war. Mzee Kiango of Nandette in Umatumbi described the famine very well: There came three years famine.

Those who survived did so by providence. It was extremely fierce famine and people denied their children and wives. There has never been the like either before or after Maji Maji. People died in multitudes …. and lions (wild animals) ate one after the other, [3] Thousands of survivors who had no seeds for planting new crops after the war migrated to the coast in search of food. These included leaders, soldiers and part of the civilian population. The uprising destroyed the local political arrangements on which the German position in the area depended.

The Maji Maji movement also successfully united the peoples within the area of the rising. However it failed to spread to a wider area than the Rufiji river basin. Some of the leaders who did not die during the fighting or due famine were arrested by the Germans and executed. The failure of the revolt caused ill-feelings among the people and created keener tribal differences that lingered throughout the first half of the 20th Century. After 1906, many people in German East Africa abandoned their earlier methods of dealing with German rulers.

Instead of seeking to restrict the European impact on their societies, or to use the Germans as a means to improve their personal or group positions within an existing framework of inter-African relations, many sought to obtain an improved position within the European-dominated system by acquiring the necessary European skills and using them to reorganize their societies. The German administration introduced a number of reforms. The new governor, Rechenberg, (1906-12) was determined to promote African health ad education, paying particular attention to scientific advance in tropical agriculture to benefit African cultivators.

He encouraged African to practice cash-crop farming, allowed Africans to choose not to work for German settlers, and punished settlers who mistreated African workers. He also replaced a number of traditional chiefs by western educated young men from mission schools. This resulted in the setting up of several institutions including the world famous Amani Biological and Agricultural Institute in Usambara, on which the Government granted a subsidy of ? 10,000 a year. The revolt led to the formation of a commission to investigate charges of misgovernment.

Its exposure of cruelties aroused indignation in Germany, and offenders were sharply punished. The example was salutary for future German administration, which was placed under a separate colonial department. One of the most important reforms was the insistence that labor contracts be put in written form. Because the commissioners were appointed to control labor recruiting and act as negotiators between employers and workers, some of the abuses in labor relations were removed. In general however the German rule improved as German administrators and settlers were now dominated by fear of another Maji Maji.

The most positive result of the Rising, however, was that the people learnt two lessons from its failure; the importance of unity against a common enemy if freedom were to be attained, and the futility of resorting to armed resistance against a colonial power possessing vast military capacity. This is one reason why the people of Tanganyika later resorted to constitutional protest in their struggle for independence after World War 11. Economic development was also seen in the field of communications, illustrating further, greater commitment on the part of the Germans.

The Government built and owned one of the two railways in the country, although it was operated by a private company. In addition, regular steamship service between Germany and her East African colonies was assured by an annual subsidy of ? 67,000 to the German East African shipping line. After the Maji Maji Rising, educated Africans in Tanganyika turned to self-improvement and constitutional protest, which led to TANU and eventually independence. Why the Maji Maji uprising failed

The Germans had modern weapons like machine guns and howitzers unlike their Africans counterparts who were armed with traditional weapons such as spears, bows and arrows or slow-firing muzzle loading musket. For example the Matumbi had 8,000 guns but nearly all of them were old fashioned, their arrows inflicted more casualties while spears proved next to useless. The Industrial Revolution in Europe ensured that by 1880 European armament were vastly superior to those of Africans. As one English poet, Hilaire Belloc remarked; ‘Whatever happens we have got The Maxim gun and they have not'[4]

The Maji Maji soldiers had no military unity and no single military strategy. They did not have a single leader to co-ordinate their military operations except the Ngoni, each community had its own fighting force under a tribal leader who did not as a rule co-ordinate military operations. The unity of the movement was a religious unity rather than practical military organization. President Nyerere in his paper Socialism and Rural Development argued that ignorance and disunity were indeed the problems of pre-colonial Tanzania which eventually led to their defeat by the Germans.

Further, Large powerful communities like the Hehe and Nyamwezi did not join the rising. Some African groups like the Hehe supported and fought on the Germans side because their traditional enemies the Ngoni, Pogoro, Mbunga and Sagara had joined the Rising. Chief Kiwanga of Mahenge joined the Germans in 1905 in gratitude for their help against Mkwawa in 1890s. Like wise the scorched-earth policy applied by the Germans burnt crops, destroyed livestock and other properties. This weakened and starved the Africans. The organization of the war had revolved around the power of the maji, which in turn depended on religious faith.

But in the circumstances of this war , which started in 1905 and ended in 1907, faith alone exhibited serious shortcoming as was evidenced by German fire power, and the revolt was ruthlessly suppressed. Significance of the Rebellion The significance of the movement lay primarily in its attempt to enlarge political scale. Maji Maji was quite different from the earlier resistances which the Germans had faced when occupying Tanganyika, for that had been local and professional-soldiers against each other, whereas Maji Maji affected almost everyone in the colony.

Not only did it involve those within the rebel area who would normally have been non-combatants, but its impact was felt on the furthest boarders of the country. It was a great crisis of commitment and in subsequent year’s men had to bear the consequences of the stands which they had taken. In long term, the movement may have provided an experience of united mass action to which later political leaders could appeal. In short term, it undoubtedly increased local disunity, for not all the people in the rebel area had joined, and even those who had been seldom unanimous.

Maji Maji was an assertion that the African element remained a fundamental factor in the affairs of the German colony. For Europeans, it compelled a total rethinking of the future of the colony. Just as the coastal resistance of 1888 had obliged the German government to abandon company rule and assume direct responsibility to commit itself more deeply than it had previously contemplated, so Maji Maji compelled a greatly increased German involvement in terms of political energy. In Tanzania since independence monuments have been built at important Maji Maji sites.

In 1965, monument at Mikukuyumbu where Cassian Spiss and his party were murdered was enlarged. In Songea the then Regional Commissioner of Ruvuma, Martin Haule initiated the building of a beautiful monument in the area where the Maji Maji warriors were believed to have been buried. In October 1967, TANU Conference in Mwanza, delegates was asked to observe silence to remember those who died in the Maji Maji movement. There is no doubt therefore that the rising is important in the History of Tanzania. Conclusion Maji Maji uprising was the first large-scale movement of resistance to colonial rule in East Africa.

In the words of John Iliffe it was ‘a final attempt by Tanganyika’s old societies to destroy the colonial order by force’, and it was truly a mass movement of peasants against colonial exploitation. It shook the German regime in Tanganyika; their response was not just the suppression of the movement but also the abandonment of the communal cotton scheme. There were also some reforms in the colonial structure, especially with regard to the recruitment and use of labor, which were designed to make colonialism acceptable to Africans. But the rebellion failed and this failure did not indeed make ‘the passing of the old societies inevitable’.

The Maji Maji uprising was primarily based on traditional methods of warfare and its leadership selected according to traditional standards, was strengthened by the medicine at Ngalambe. The effect of the Maji Maji was universalization of leadership. In other words local leaders from different parts were brought together and worked together for a common end; expulsion of all Europeans. When the people went to fight they went under their local leaders who it was believed had been strengthened by the medicines of Kinjikitile. In other words the effects of Maji Maji were psychological, and in practical warfare traditional methods remained.

The difference lay in the collective application of such methods against the Germans. Maji Maji is regarded as one of the beginnings of the struggle for lost independence. In other words it was as any other resistance part of the dynamics of the process towards Uhuru. President Nyerere was the first to put this argument before an International body, United Nations where he used it as an argument for independence in Tanzania and at the same time warned that the new nationalistic movement TANU would assimilate the ideas, not the practical techniques of the Maji Maji movement[5].

The British Government which called Nyerere’s speech a “travesty, of history” admitted that Maji Maji was “a bid for freedom against oppression”. References 1. Iliffe John, Tanganyika under German Rule 1905-1912, Cambridge University Press, 1969. 2. Kimambo I. N. and Temu A. J. (Eds), A History of Tanzania, East African Publishing House, 1969. 3. Hatch John, Tanzania, Pall Mall Press, London. 1972. 4. Tidy Michael and Leeming Donald, A History of Africa 1840-1919, Volume Two, October 1979. 5. Boahen A. Adu, General History of Africa V11.

Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935, Heinemann Kenya, UNESCO 1990. 6. Okoth Assa. Essays on Advanced Level History. Africa: 1885/1914, Heinemann Educational Books (E. A) Ltd, 1985. ———————– [1] G. L. Steers, The Judgement on German Africa (London, 1939), p. 249 [2]G. C. K. Gwassa and John Iliffe (Eds. ). Records of the Maji Maji Rising, Part 1 (Nairobi, East African Publishing House, 1968). [3] Ibid pp. 27-28 [4] Michael Tidy and Donald Leeming, A History of Africa 1840-1914. Volume 1. pp. 13 [5] Julius K. Nyerere, Freedom and Unity (London, Oxford University Press 1966), 40-41